प्रजातान्त्रिक अभ्यासका स्वरूप

 

कम्युनिस्ट शासन व्यवस्था र प्रजातन्त्र । 

यी दुई आपसमा मिल्नै नसक्ने तत्व हुन् तर नेपालकै छिमेकी देशमा यी दुईको विवाह गर्ने प्रयास हुन थालेको धेरै भइसकेको छ । नेपालमा पनि नेपाल कम्युनिस्ट पार्टी (एमाले) ले जनताको बहुदलीय जनवादका नाममा बहुदलीय व्यवस्था अपनाएको छ भने नेपाली कम्युनिस्ट पार्टीलगायत बाँकी वामपन्थी दल पनि त्यस्तै बाटोको यात्रामा छन् । यद्यपि नाम कम्युनिस्ट रहे पनि नेपालका वामपन्थी दल ‘खास कम्युनिस्ट’ भने रहेनन् । कस्ता दल कम्युनिस्ट हुन् भन्ने कुरा भने यहाँ चर्चा गरिने छैन । 

पूर्ण कम्युनिस्ट शासनव्यवस्था अपनाएको चीनले त्यहाँ पूर्ण प्रक्रियाको जनवादी प्रजातन्त्र (होल प्रोसेस पिपल्स डेमोक्रेसी) रहेको बताउने गरेको छ । विद्यालयदेखि विश्वविद्यालयसम्म पश्चिमा र खासगरी बेलायती शैलीको प्रजातन्त्रबारे पढेर र भोगेर आएका नेपालीका लागि कम्युनिस्ट शासनमा प्रजातन्त्रको अभ्यास अनौठो हो । अहिलेसम्म हामीले सुनेको र जानेको कुरा हो– एकदलीय शासनव्यवस्थामा प्रजातन्त्र उम्रिन र हुर्किन सक्दैन तर चीनले भने ‘पूर्ण प्रक्रियाको जनवादी प्रजातन्त्र’ लाई पूर्वीय तथा विकासशील मुलुकका निम्ति सुहाउँदो राजनीतिक व्यवस्थाका रूपमा प्रवर्धन गर्ने प्रयास गरिरहेको छ । 

चिनियाँ राष्ट्रपति एवं चिनियाँ कम्युनिस्ट पार्टी (सिपिसी) का महासचिव सी चिनफिङले सन् २०१२ मा पूर्ण प्रक्रियाको जनवादी प्रजातन्त्रको अवधारणालाई अगाडि ल्याउनुभयो । सीका अनुसार प्रत्येक योजना तथा निर्णयमा कुनै एक व्यक्तिको नभई जनताका चाहना समेटिनु र त्यसमा सम्पूर्ण प्रजातान्त्रिक प्रक्रिया तथा स्वरूपको पालना गर्नु नै ‘पूर्ण प्रक्रियासहितको जनवादी प्रजातन्त्र’ हो । यस्तो प्रजातन्त्रले ‘प्रक्रियागत प्रजातन्त्र’ लाई ‘नतिजामुखी प्रजातन्त्र’ सँग जोड्ने उहाँको भनाइ छ । यसमा प्रत्यक्ष र अप्रत्यक्ष दुवैखाले प्रजातान्त्रिक अभ्यास रहन्छन् तर यस्तो ‘प्रजातान्त्रिक व्यवस्था’ सिपिसीकै नेतृत्व अन्तर्गत लागु गरिएको छ । 

प्रजातन्त्रका आधार

चीनको प्रजातन्त्रलाई सिद्धान्तको कसीमा हेर्ने हो भने तस्बिर फ्रेममा मिल्दैन । आधुनिक प्रजातान्त्रिक विचारधारामा केही तत्व अन्तरनिहीत छन् । त्यसमा पहिलो हो, सामूहिक निर्णयको प्रक्रिया अर्थात् कुनै एक व्यक्तिले सम्पूर्ण समाजका लागि निर्णय लिने कुरा मान्य हुँदैन । आफ्ना लागि जनता आफैँले निर्णय लिन पाउनु पर्छ । जनताको सहमतिमा मात्र सरकार र उसका गतिविधि सञ्चालन हुने भएकाले नै प्रजातन्त्रलाई जनताको शासन भनिएको हो । प्रजातन्त्र भनेको बहुमतको शासन हो, जसले राजनीतिमा प्रतिस्पर्धाको प्रवर्धन गर्छ । कतिपयले खासमा प्रजातन्त्र, अल्पमतले बहुमतमाथि गर्ने शासन हो पनि भनेका छन् । त्यस्ता तर्कको खण्डनतर्फ पनि यो लेख लाग्दैन ।

दोस्रो हो, आफ्नो शासक आफैँ चुन्न पाउने व्यवस्था । प्रजातन्त्रमा कोही पनि वंश वा शक्तिका आधारमा शासक बन्न वा सत्ताको बागडोरमा नियन्त्रण राख्न पाउँदैन वा सक्दैन । त्यस्तो शासक जनताबाट चुनिएर आएको निर्वाचित प्रतिनिधि हुनु पर्छ । हरेक नागरिकको हैसियत समान हुनु पर्छ र राज्यले प्रदान गर्ने सबै अवसरमा हरेक नागरिकको समान अधिकार रहनु पर्छ । 

त्यस्तै तेस्रो हो, विचार तथा अभिव्यक्तिको स्वतन्त्रता । समाज, व्यवस्था, राजनीति तथा सरकार र सार्वजनिक व्यक्तिका बारेमा आफ्नो राय व्यक्त गर्न प्रत्येक नागरिक स्वतन्त्र हुन्छन् । सरकार वा त्यसमा संलग्न व्यक्तिको आलोचना गर्न नागरिक स्वतन्त्र हुन्छन् । यस्तो स्वतन्त्रता सङ्घ संस्था खोल्ने र सभा सम्मेलन गर्न पाउने तहसम्म पुग्छ । मिडिया तथा प्रेस स्वतन्त्रतालाई पनि यसैले समेटेको हुन्छ । 

चिनियाँ ढाँचा

चीनमा भने त्यहाँको जनकङ्ग्रेस (पिपुल्स कङ्ग्रेस) को निर्माण नै ‘जनताको प्रजातान्त्रिक अधिनायकत्व’ सँग मिल्ने गरी गरिएको छ । केही स्थानीय तहका जनकङ्ग्रेसका पदाधिकारीको चयन चुनावबाट हुने गरेको छ तर सिपिसीको स्थायी समितिको चयन भने चुनावबाट हुँदैन । यद्यपि स्थायी समितिको चयन जनताबाट निर्वाचित प्रतिनिधिले गर्ने भएकाले त्यस्तो छनोट प्रजातान्त्रिक नै हुने चिनियाँको दाबी छ । 

पूर्ण प्रजातान्त्रिक मुलुकमा पनि आंशिक रूपमा यस्तो व्यवस्था कायम रहेको देखिन्छ । नेपालमा यस्तो अभ्यास राष्ट्रिय सभाका सदस्यको चयन र राष्ट्रपतिको निर्वाचनमा देख्न पाइन्छ तर विशेष खालको कम्युनिस्ट शासन व्यवस्थाको विपरीत चीनमा राष्ट्रिय जनकङ्ग्रेस पाँच वर्षका लागि चयन हुने र जनकङ्ग्रेसको स्थायी समितिले आगामी कङ्ग्रेसका लागि डेपुटीको चयन गर्नुपर्ने प्रावधान छ । भन्न त चीनमा पार्टीभित्र आन्तरिक चुनावलाई प्रजातान्त्रिक अभ्यास भनिएको छ तर त्यस्तो चुनाव प्रजातान्त्रिक अभ्यास बन्नका लागि पार्टीका कार्यकर्ता वा सदस्यभन्दा बाहिरका सबै नागरिकले मतदान गर्न वा विचार अभिव्यक्ति गर्न पाउनु पर्छ । चीनका जनताले सरकार चयनमा सिधै हस्तक्षेप गर्दैनन् । गाउँ वा नगरस्तरीय तहमा भने जनताको प्रत्यक्ष मतदानबाट स्थानीय सरकार (पार्टी) का प्रतिनिधि चयन हुने गर्छन् । त्यसभन्दा माथिका प्रतिनिधि भने अप्रत्यक्ष रूपमै चयन हुन्छन् । नीति तथा कार्यक्रममा भने जनताको परामर्श वा राय लिएर मात्र अघि बढ्ने परम्परा भने छ । 

विकास तथा आर्थिक कार्यक्रम, सुधार र जनतासँग प्रत्यक्ष सरोकार राख्ने विषयमा सहमतिमा पुग्न, निर्णय लिन र कार्यान्वयन गर्नका लागि सिपिसीले बृहत् रूपमा आमजनतासँग परामर्श गर्ने र उनीहरूको राय लिने गरेको छ । सिपिसीले निर्वाचनमा आधारित प्रजातन्त्र र परामर्शमा आधारित प्रजातन्त्र (कन्सल्टेटिभ डेमोक्रेसी) लाई सँगसँगै अगाडि बढाएको देखिन्छ । 

यो सुधारको जड भने तङ स्याओ पिङबाटै सुरु हुन्छ । चिनियाँ उदारवादका जनक मानिएका उनले धेरै दशकअघि राजनीतिक व्यवस्थाबारे सोधिएको प्रश्नमा मुसा मार्ने बिरालोको रङ कालो छ वा सेतो भन्ने कुराले मतलब नराख्ने बताएका थिए । अर्थात् कुनै पनि शासनव्यवस्थाको साध्य भनेको विकास र प्रगतिलाई गति दिएर जनतालाई सुखी र सम्पन्न बनाउनु हो । चीनले केही वर्षअघि मात्र झन्डै नौ करोड जनतालाई गरिबीबाट बाहिर निकालेर आफ्नो सामथ्र्य पुष्टि गरिसकेको छ । अर्थात् बिरालोको रङले फरक नपार्ने देखाएको छ । अहिले विश्वका धेरै मुलुकका शासक र राजनीतिज्ञले तङको यो उपमालाई उदाहरणका रूपमा प्रस्तुत गरिरहेको देखिन्छ । 

राजनीति र शासनव्यवस्थाको साध्य आमजनता, समाज र समग्र देशको उन्नति र विकास हो । कैयौँ वर्षसम्म दोहोरो अङ्कको आर्थिक वृद्धिदर कायम गरेर संसारलाई अचम्मित गर्ने तहमै विकास अगाडि बढाएको चीनले अहिले आफ्नो सीमाभन्दा बाहिर निस्केर विकासशील मुलुकलाई विकासमा सघाउने तहमा क्षमता विकास तथा विस्तार गरेको छ । एसियाली पूर्वाधार लगानी बैङ्क, बोआओ फोरम, साङ्घाई कोअपरेसन तथा बेल्ट एन्ड रोड इनिसियटिभ (बिआरआई) मार्फत चीनले क्षेत्रीय तथा विश्वस्तरमा आफ्नो सहयोग र प्रभाव विस्तार गरेको छ । 

राजनीतिक स्थिरता र जनमुखी नीतिकै कारण चीन यस्तो सफलता हासिल गर्न सक्षम बनेको हो । यसको विपरीत अधिकांश कम विकसित र विकासशील मुलुक राजनीतिक अस्थिरता, चरम भ्रष्टाचार, विदेशी चलखेल र स्रोत अभावको घनचक्करमै रुमल्लिइरहेका छन् । विकासमा राजनीतिक स्थिरताको सकारात्मक प्रभाव हेर्नका लागि नेपालको दक्षिणी छिमेकीलाई हेर्दा पनि हुन्छ । भारतीय जनता पार्टीको सरकारलाई विपक्षीले आलोचना गरे पनि पछिल्लो दशकको स्थिरताले त्यहाँको विकास र आर्थिक वृद्धिमा सकारात्मक प्रभाव पारेको छ । मुलुकभित्र मात्र होइन, क्षेत्रीय तथा विश्वव्यापी मञ्च तथा वार्तामा भारतको आत्मविश्वास उल्लेख्य मात्रामा बढेको देखिन्छ । 

कतिपयको तर्कमा प्रतिपक्षबिना प्रजातन्त्र हुँदैन भन्ने पनि छ तर अमेरिकाका दुई दलमध्ये सरकारमा जो गए पनि त्यहाँको आर्थिक तथा अन्य पक्षमा खासै नीतिगत परिवर्तन हुँदैन । तथापि डोनाल्ड ट्रम्प राष्ट्रपति चुनिएपछि भने त्यहाँको राजनीतिक विभाजन अलि प्रस्ट बनेको छ । प्रेस स्वतन्त्रता छ तर चीनको हकमा वाक् स्वतन्त्रता भने बेग्लै छ ।

कम्युनिस्ट व्यवस्थाभित्रै प्रजातन्त्र

अरू मुलुकको संविधानमा स्वतन्त्रता, उदारवाद भनिए जस्तै चीनको संविधानमै कम्युनिस्ट पार्टी र समाजवादी शासनव्यवस्था उल्लेख गरिएको छ । चीनको व्यवस्थापिकाका रूपमा काम गर्ने चिनियाँ जनताको राजनीतिक परामर्शदायी सम्मेलन (सिपिपिसिसी) को राष्ट्रिय समितिमा दुई हजार एक सय सदस्य हुन्छन्, जसमा ३४ क्षेत्र, आठ राजनीतिक दल (अप्रतिस्पर्धी), गैरराजनीतिक व्यक्तित्व, नागरिक समाज सङ्गठन, ५६ जातीय संस्था र पाँच मुख्य धर्मका प्रतिनिधि रहन्छन् । यसरी हेर्दा प्रत्यक्ष चुनावबाटै निर्वाचित भएर नआए पनि सिपिपिसिसी प्रतिनिधिमूलक भने देखिन्छ । 

अन्य कुरा जे भने पनि चीनमा कम्युनिस्ट पार्टी र समाजवादको सिद्धान्तको आलोचना मान्य छैन । त्यसैले चीनको प्रजातन्त्र पनि कम्युनिस्ट सिद्धान्त अन्तर्गत सिपिसी विचारधारा अन्तर्गत नै सञ्चालन हुने गरेको छ । पार्टीको नेतृत्व माक्र्सवाद, कम्युनिस्ट पार्टी र जनताप्रति बफादार व्यक्तिको हातमै रहने गरी सिपिसीले प्रत्येक क्षेत्रमा विज्ञ व्यक्तिको चयन गरेर नियुक्ति दिएको छ । त्यसैले त्यहाँको प्रजातन्त्र भनेको सिपिसीले निर्माण गरेको सिद्धान्तमा आधारित छ । यसलाई सिपिसीले चिनियाँ माटो तथा हावापानी सुहाउँदो शासनव्यवस्था भन्दै आएको छ । 

चार दशकअघि नै तङले प्रजातन्त्र भनेर विधिको शासनलाई बुझ्नुपर्ने र विधिवत् निर्माण गरिएका संस्था र नियम नेतृत्वमा आउने परिवर्तनसँगै बदलिन नहुने बताएका थिए । विश्वव्यापी अभ्यास हेर्दा यस्तो सम्भावना चीनबाहेक अन्यत्र बिरलै देखिन्छ । त्यहाँका राजनीति शास्त्री चाङ वेइवेई भन्नुहुन्छ, “केही मुलुकमा प्रजातन्त्र भनेको राम्रोसँग बोल्न र अभिनय गर्न सक्ने मानिस राष्ट्रपति हुन पाउने व्यवस्था हो । त्यस्तै अर्काथरी भने कुनै मुलुकको प्रणाली राम्रो र सबल छ भने एउटा मूर्खले पनि राम्रोसँग देश चलाउन सक्छ भन्ने ठान्छन् । यी दुवै धारणा चीनको राजनीतिक संस्कृतिको मान्यताविरुद्ध छन् ।”  

 Published in Gorkhapatra Daily on 2 October 2026.     

Understanding Court And Reporting

 

'Where there is no publicity, there is no justice. Publicity is the very soul of justice. It is the keenest spur to exertion and the surest of all guards against improbity. It keeps the judge himself while trying under trial.' This saying of Jeremy Bentham about two centuries ago is enough to understand the importance of disseminating the information about the court, its proceedings and verdicts. When people know that justice is possible, they will be motivated to go to the court to safeguard their rights and punish the perpetrators of crime. It establishes the importance of court reporting in journalism and helps the judiciary to disseminate important and everyday events to the masses.

Court reporting has long been established as a specialised form of journalism for long. But very few reporters vie for this discipline because of its demand for expertise in the country's legal system, law-making, court proceeding and high level of accuracy. Some of them are also apprehensive of the contempt of court. While there are courses on journalism, media and communication, and law from high school to the master's level, and a couple of universities are offering court/legal reporting as an optional subject at the master's level, there is a shortage of textbooks in the Nepali language and context.

To fulfil this gap, the Constitutional and Judicial Journalists Forum has published a book containing the basics of the Nepali legal system and court reporting. The book is written and edited by Dr. Liladhar Upadhyaya and Rakesh Bam and contains an introduction to court and court reporting, laws related to court reporting, and a code of conducts issued by the court and journalists' organisation. The book sensitises the readers with brief legal, constitutional and judicial history in Nepal along with the evolution of court reporting. It mentions that the first evidence of court reporting could be found with the publication of news on the verdict of Gorkha Parishad in 1940 (1997 BS), which issued capital punishments for Shukra Raj Shastri, Gangalal Shrestha, Dharma Bhakta Mathema and Dasharath Chand. However, this discipline evolved as a specialised reporting in journalism after the restoration of democracy in 1990.

The authors say that the court reporting is not the field for the junior reporters, especially those who do not have a background in the study of law. Unlike other institutions, the court strictly controls the use of communication equipment such as cameras and recorders; journalists need a separate pass to make an entry, while a lack of clear interpretation regarding contempt of court makes judicial journalism practice fearlessly. According to the book, obtaining information, cross-verification of it, finding alternative sources, understanding the court and legal terminology, and making distinctions between issues concerning violations of the code of conduct by judges and issues regarding contempt of court are posing challenges to judicial journalism in Nepal.

While missing to report the important cases means the media is not fulfilling its responsibility to the society, dissemination of inaccurate or credible information might invite consequences. Since all criminal cases are bound to enter the court, it is pertinent for the media to conduct surveillance of it to serve the public interest. The feeling of media scrutiny makes the institutions more aware of their conduct and responsible towards serving the public interest. On the other hand, court is an important source for various types of news, including humorous and serious ones. "Any form of carelessness, negligence, or dissemination of misleading information can erode public trust in the judiciary. Since this directly impacts the enjoyment of rights by all citizens, careful attention must be paid to this aspect. On the other hand, there can be no two opinions that it is the professional duty of mainstream journalists to expose anomalies and irregularities within the court system. For this reason, court reporting remains a highly responsible and sensitive domain," read the book.

It further observes that it is the professional obligation of a court reporter – or court journalism in general – to take an interest in whether the court, which plays a balancing role in delivering justice and implementing the concept of the rule of law in practice, is efficient or not, and whether its actions are flawed or flawless, as well as to write and broadcast news regarding court proceedings and activities.

The book serves as a fundamental information source on the judicial system in the country, including court, quasi-judicial bodies, security agencies and judicial committees. The process of court is discussed in detail while the authors have defined the major types of cases, hearings and orders, writ applications, scope of the court, and benches. The readers will know about the judges, officials and other staff at the court, qualifications for the courts and attorneys as well. Provisions in the criminal code, the law for individual privacy, the Electronic Transactions Act and other legal instruments have also been presented in the book. Some of the best parts of the book are the presentation of codes of conduct for the court reports from various countries and international institutions and the precedents on the contempt of court related to media matters.

In the precedents presented in the book, the court has reminded the media and journalists about their responsibility while exercising press freedom and freedom of opinion and expression. For example, in its verdict on Karna Shamsher Rana versus advocate Prakash Wasti, it said that whether an act or publication is contemptuous or not is judged by the statements expressed within that act or publication itself; the presence or absence of contemptuous intent is not considered. In contempt proceedings, the argument of a lack of contemptuous intent does not appear to be admissible.

In another verdict, the court said that the constitutional guarantee that no prior restraint shall be imposed on publication, newspaper registrations shall not be cancelled and printing presses shall not be closed or seized – is the trust placed upon the press by the sovereign public.

"The press enjoys immunity from prior restraint only to the extent that the Constitution confers freedom of thought and expression upon citizens. This court can examine whether the exercise of both rights remains within their respective boundaries; there is no hindrance to doing so," read the decision. The book by Upadhyaya and Bam can serve as a handbook for court reporting in Nepal and can also serve as a reference book for the students of law at the universities. However, the size of the text is rather small, which has impacted the readability. Inclusion of a couple of good examples of court reporting from the past and present would have certainly enhanced the attraction and usefulness of the book.

 Published in The Rising Nepal's Friday Supplement on 2 October 2026.     

FM Khanal urges int'l community for grant-based climate finance

Kathmandu, Oct. 2

Foreign Minister Shisir Khanal has urged the international community to provide Nepal with new, accessible and grant-based climate finance to help it cope with the crises caused by climate change.

Addressing the ‘Kathmandu Climate Week–2026’ in Kathmandu on Friday, he stressed that climate justice must not remain merely a slogan but must be translated into action.

"Climate change had become an existential challenge directly linked to Nepal’s development, agriculture, infrastructure, water security, public health, energy transition, financial stability and foreign policy," he said.

According to him, although Nepal’s contribution to creating the climate crisis is negligible, the Nepali people have been forced to bear a disproportionate burden. Climate justice means recognising this disproportionate burden and taking concrete steps to address it.

Minister Khanal said international support was needed for adaptation, technology transfer and institutional capacity development to minimise the damage Nepal was suffering as a result of climate change. He added that the Loss and Damage Fund, established to provide immediate financial resources to countries affected by climate-induced disasters, should not be constrained by complex administrative procedures.

“The disaster that struck our Himalayan valleys was like a Himalayan tsunami. The floods that arrived within minutes destroyed precious human lives, vital highways and bridges, clean hydropower infrastructure, and the foundations of communities’ livelihoods,” he said.

Likewise, FM Khanal said climate-induced disasters had created structural obstacles to Nepal’s development process, forcing the country to repeatedly divert its limited resources allocated for development towards post-disaster rescue, rehabilitation and reconstruction. Stressing the need to build development infrastructure with climate risks in mind, he said roads, bridges, transmission lines and urban settlements constructed today must be designed to withstand climate-related risks over the next 20 to 30 years.

He also stressed the need to bridge the gap between scientific research and policymaking. "Data generated through research on glacier melting and the condition of glacial lakes should be immediately translated into effective early warning systems," he said, while adding that such systems should be capable of delivering timely information to farmers and people living in remote and vulnerable settlements.

He further stressed the need to strengthen the capacity of government institutions for the effective utilisation of climate finance and to expand scientific cooperation with neighbouring countries, given the transboundary nature of climate risks. He said that real-time exchanges of water and weather-related data with neighbouring countries, free from political influence, were necessary to protect shared river systems and reduce disaster risks.

A climate diplomacy division had been established at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to make Nepal’s role more effective in international negotiations on climate change. The structure would link Nepal’s domestic climate realities with international negotiations and make the country’s diplomatic efforts more integrated, consistent and proactive, he said.

“The credibility of international diplomacy depends on the effectiveness of our domestic implementation. While demanding accountability from the international community, we must also demonstrate equal seriousness in fulfilling our commitments and implementing them,” said FM Khanal.

 Published in The Rising Nepal on 3 October 2026.     

Government to intensify market monitoring

Kathmandu, Oct. 2

The government has decided to intensify market monitoring to control black marketing and price increases during festivals such as Dashain, Tihar and Chhath.

Speaking at a press meet on Friday, Spokesperson of the Office of the Prime Minister and Council of Ministers, Hemraj Aryal, said that there was a tendency among some traders to engage in black marketing and raise prices by taking advantage of the festival season, adding that monitoring would be carried out to control such practices.

"Instructions had also been issued to prevent roads from being obstructed by the monsoon and to ensure the smooth operation of essential public services," he said.

According to Aryal, a total of Rs16.28 billion has been deposited in the Prime Minister Disaster Relief Fund.

He said there was a need to provide psychological counselling to victims of the Bhotekoshi floods. “It is natural for people affected by floods to experience psychological impacts following a natural disaster. The Ministry of Women, Children and Senior Citizens is taking necessary initiatives to provide psychological counselling to such victims and help them return to normal conditions,” he said.

 Published in The Rising Nepal on 3 October 2026.     

Heidelberg University hands over 800 historical documents to Nepal

Kathmandu, Oct. 2

The Heidelberg University has handed over the historical collections comprising more than 800 historical Nepali manuscripts and documents dating from the 13th to the 20th century to Nepal.

At a programme organised in Kathmandu on Saturday, Prof. Dr. Axel Michaels of the Heidelberg University and the Heidelberg Academy of Sciences and Humanities handed over the manuscripts to Foreign Minister Shisir Khanal.

The Josef Peter Rindfleisch Collection of Historical Documents of Nepal will be protected by the National Archives of Nepal.

Speaking on the occasion, Minister Khanal highlighted the importance of the return of the historical manuscripts to Nepal as a milestone in the preservation, protection and promotion of Nepal’s written cultural heritage.

He commended the efforts of Prof. Michaels, Heidelberg University, the Embassy of Nepal in Berlin, scholars, researchers and institutions involved in the process of the repatriation of the valuable artefacts.

According to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MoFA), the Minister further reaffirmed the commitment of the government to repatriating the historical antiquities from around the world in the days ahead.

Ram Bahadur Kunwar, Director General of the National Archives, Prof. Michaels, and Udo Eugen Volz, Ambassador of Germany to Nepal stressed on the importance of the preservation of historic documents and artefacts. They also expressed their commitment to support in the initiative.

This event was jointly organised by the National Archives Nepal, Heidelberg Centre for Transcultural Studies, Heidelberg Academy of Sciences and Humanities, and Saraf Foundation.

 Published in The Rising Nepal on 3 October 2026.     

Pakistani ambassador presents Letter of Credence to President

Kathmandu, Oct. 1

Newly appointed Pakistani Ambassador to Nepal, Mohammad Aamir Khan, presented his Letter of Credence to President on Wednesday.

On the occasion, the Ambassador conveyed greetings from the leadership of Pakistan and reaffirmed Pakistan’s readiness to further strengthen the enduring bonds of friendship and cooperation between Pakistan and Nepal.

The presentation of credentials marks an important milestone in further advancing the close and cordial bilateral relations between the two countries, the Embassy said.

Meanwhile, Foreign Minister Shisir Khanal held a courtesy meeting with Australian Ambassador to Nepal Simon Ernst. During the meeting held at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MoFA), the two discussed various matters of bilateral interest.

Foreign Minister Khanal said the two countries would further expand cooperation in the days ahead, the Minister's Secretariat informed in a statement. They also discussed ways to strengthen people-to-people ties between the two countries.

 Published in The Rising Nepal on 2 October 2026.     

FM Khanal to leave for Fiji to attend Pre-COP Leaders Event

Kathmandu, Oct. 1

Minister for Foreign Affairs Shisir Khanal is leaving for Fiji on Saturday, leading a Nepali delegation to the Pre-COP Leaders’ Event to be held in Fiji and Tuvalu on October 5 and 6.

He is scheduled to deliver his remarks at the Leaders’ Plenary on October 6. Prior to the Plenary, he will attend a media interaction session with the President of Palau, prime ministers of Australia and Fiji, informed the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MoFA) in a statement on Thursday.

Following his participation in Pre-COP Leaders’ Event, FM Khanal will travel to Australia, where he is scheduled to hold a bilateral meeting with his Australian counterpart Penny Wong on October 8.

During his visit, Minister Khanal will also participate in separate programmes organised by the Embassy of Nepal in Canberra and the Nepali diaspora in Sydney. He is scheduled to return to Kathmandu on October 12.

 Published in The Rising Nepal on 2 October 2026.