Federalism in form, dependency in practice
From timid tax policies to revolving-door chief ministers, Nepal’s provinces have failed to translate autonomy into economic strength
Kathmandu, Jan. 3
In the past eight
years since their creation, the provinces have failed to demonstrate their
interest or innovation in finding new sources of internal revenue and expand
their tax base. Reliance on the traditional sources and weak revenue
administration have miserably restrained the provinces from strengthening their
economy.
Currently, provinces
are banking on transportation, agriculture, natural resources like construction
materials and house-rent for their revenue while experts say that agriculture
is not and should not be a major source of revenue. As it is in the phase of
development and directly connected with the livelihood of many, it should
rather be facilitated, except the commercial farming and agro-processing
industries.
However, the
provincial governments couldn't effectively tax the construction material
industries such as collecting and distributing sand, gravel and stones.
"All the provinces are following a similar traditional trend. All of them
lack innovative approach and long-term strategies for revenue growth,"
said Keshav Raj Dhakal, Spokesperson of the National Natural Resources and
Fiscal Commission (NNRFC).
A trend analysis of
the Provincial Revenue (2018/19-2025/26) by a team led by Dr. Khim Lal Devkota
– a Constitutional Assembly Member and expert in federalism – for the
Federalism and Localisation Centre (FLC), found that agriculture's contribution
is the lowest in the local tax revenue of the provinces.
"Excluding revenue sharing and royalties, motor vehicle tax
contributes the largest share to the country’s local tax revenue, with 32.83
per cent. This is followed by land and property registration fees, which
account for 31.21 per cent. The contribution of business registration fees
stands at 18 per cent," concluded the report.
Spending priority, earnings unheeded
While the governments
at all levels required to follow a mandatory rolling three-year budget plan –
the Medium-Term Expenditure Framework (MTEF) which requires the resource
forecasts and performance targets along with detailed expenditure strategies,
the sub-national governments are more focused on expenditure. As the plans and
budgets have been the tools to accommodate the political and development
commitments of the political leaders, projects are included in the budget at a
whim of a leader or the ruling political party.
The NPC and the NNRFC
have observed that revenue mobilisation plan has rarely been the priority of
the provincial governments, even their budgets are largely dependent on federal
grants and revenue sharing.
Former Member of the
National Planing Commission (NPC) Min Bahadur Shahi said that provincial
governments failed to exercise the rights stipulated for them. "At the
least, they could effectively collect revenue from public commons like forests,
and river and mine-based construction materials," he said.
According to Dhakal,
most of the interactions with the federal government or planning agencies are
centred on grant and revenue distribution. Tax expansion plan, revenue growth
and reforms generally don't get priority in such meetings.
According to the Schedule 6 of the
Constitution of Nepal 2015, land and property registration fees, motor vehicle
tax, entertainment tax, advertisement tax, tourism tax, tax on agricultural
income, service charges and fees, penalties and fines fall under the rights of
the provinces.
Need for risk-takers
The autonomy of
provinces has remained limited to the Constitution and policy documents as they
look up to the federal government for financial support and development
execution. They seem to be shying away from exercising their autonomy in
critical areas such as tax. This is because no leaders want to take a risk of
displeasing their voters. The house-rent tax is a case in this regard.
For example, Karnali
projects to raise just Rs. 1.37 billion in revenue in the current Fiscal Year
2025/26 from internal sources against its annual budget of Rs. 32.99 billion.
The province raised Rs. 100 million in the first quarter of this fiscal.
Likewise, Sudurpaschim
estimates to manage Rs. 1.65 billion from internal sources for its budget of
Rs. 33.47 billion. Koshi and Gandaki aim to raise Rs. 5.5 billion and Rs. 5.46
billion in revenue, Lumbini Rs. 7.78 billion, Madhes Rs. 9.5 billion and Bagmati
Rs. 28.8 billion. Average share of internal revenue to the provincial budget
ranges from about 5 per cent to 20 per cent with Bagmati being an exception.
According to FLC's
analysis, internal revenue constitutes about 20 per cent share in the total
income of the provinces. Including the revenue sharing, its share rises to
54.58, and share of federal grants is 45.42 per cent.
There are not only
failures. Bagmati has collected 31.44 per cent of its annual revenue in the
first five months of the current FY 2025/26 while the federal government's
achievement stands at about 27 per cent. Bagmati collected Rs. 1.50 billion in
internal revenue against the annual target of Rs. 4.77 billion. But overall
receipt of the province in the five months is 24 per cent.
Discouraging
scorecard
All seven provinces in Nepal have performed
poorly in the annual evaluation by the NNFRC in 2023/24, with only Koshi
scoring above the 40 – which is pass mark. The remaining six failed, with
Madhes Province recording the lowest score of 20.5, Karnali 25.9, Sudurpaschim
26.1, Lumbini 34.4, Bagmati 36.1 and Gandaki 38.5.
The assessment, based on 19 fiscal,
budgetary and governance indicators, found the provincial average score to be
32.25. In contrast, local governments performed better, with most scoring above
50.
According to Dr.
Devkota, delay in the formulation of basic legal instruments such as Civil Service
Act in provinces has also serious repercussions on their performances. He
suggested the CMs to remain united to exert legitimate pressure to the federal
government and their respective party committees. To the least, they should
learn from the local bodies, he said.
The federal government
exhibited negligence in formulating the umbrella frameworks to facilitate the
sub-national governments. The latter designed the laws related to civil
servants and police personnel but in absence of the umbrella legal instruments
from the federal government, they remained idle. The intergovernmental council
has also turned into a mechanism that only conducts meetings but achieves no
progress.
While speaking at the
establishment day of the PAs in 2024, former CM of Karnali, Raj Kumar Sharma,
aptly defined the situation of freedom to the provinces, “How can you swim in deep water when you are thrown into it with
your hands and legs tied. I don’t know if saying this is appropriate, but the
situation has been the same for us."
However, although the provincial leaders
agree that their failure is partially caused by the federal government's
failure in building the required legal and policy framework in time, they never
get united for the same cause.
41 governments in
eight years
In a sheer display of
political instability in the federal republic, the seven provinces got 41 chief
ministers in the past eight years.
Lal Babu Raut of
Madhes Province has remained so far the only Chief Minister to complete his
full term at office. But the same province turned into political battleground
in its second Provincial Assembly (PA) with five CMs from five different
parties in just two-and-a-half years. Jitendra Prasad Sonal of Loktantrik
Samajwadi Party and Saroj Yadav of CPN-UML served for 24 days each as Madhes CM.
Meanwhile, Province Chief Sumitra Subedi Bhandari lost her post after
appointing Saroj Yadav the CM and administering the oath of office at a hotel
in Bardibas.
The provinces were
created on September 20, 2015, while provincial assemblies were formed after
the elections on November 26 and December 7, 2017. The
first provincial government was formed in Karnali on February 15, 2018.
In general overview,
Karnali is comparatively more stable than the other provinces with four CMs so
far with two each – Mahendra Bahadur Shahi and Jeevan Bahadur Shahi, and Raj
Kumar Sharma and Yam Lal Kandel – serving during the first and second PAs.
While Gandaki, Lumbini
and Bagmati witnessed six CMs each in the past eight years, Koshi went through
the worst experience in political stability with eight CMs – five in the last
two-and-a-half years. Currently, Hikmat Kumar Karki is serving as the CM for
the third time during this PA along.
Likewise, Sudurpaschim
Province got five CMs.
Lack of political
autonomy
It is no secret that
the provincial governments and political leaders make their moves at the signal
of federal government and their party central committees. "Provincial
committees of the political parties are not autonomous while senior and
competent leaders do not want to go down to the provinces. As a result,
governments there have become an appendage of the central government,"
said Dr. Devkota.
To their worst, this
is happening at a mutual consent of the political party, federal government and
the provincial governments.
According to Dr.
Devkota, Madhes led by Lal Babu Raut, Gandaki led by Prithvi Subba Gurung and
Lumbini led by Shankar Pokhrel had a courage to resist the pressure from the
federal government.
Within a year, Gurung
called a meeting of the CMs in Pokhara and exhibited a unity among the
provincial governments. A 29-point federal legal roadmap was also developed
during that period. The centre had a majority government led by powerful Nepal
Communist Party (NCP) that, in the beginning, assured a political stability
which also sent a similar message to the provinces, said Dr. Devkota. He added
that while the first inter-state council was called after 40 years in India, it
was convened in a year after the formation of the first provincial governments.
While Madhes was vocal
against the federal government for various other reasons and fought for its
cause, Gurung and Pokhrel fought against their own party leadership to make
their way through to institutionalise federalism.
But during the second
Provincial Assembly, senior leaders joined the batch of leaders at the federal
level which turned the provincial politics more immature. They are more
centre-oriented and pay less attention to the public issues and political
stability. As the governments formed and fell every now and then, provinces
miserably failed in effective development planning, resource mobilisaion and
revenue collection. This further detached them from the masses.
An official at the NPC
said that the situation has deteriorated to such an extent that chief ministers
are meeting even the section officers at the NPC and Ministry of Finance to get
their projects included in the federal budget or get financial assurance for
provincial projects.
Dancing to the
tunes of centre
Later, the number of
ministries at the provinces was increased multiple times to adjust the leaders
from the ruling coalition which mostly happened at the direction of the federal
government and central committees of the parties participating in the
coalition.
"A new culture
has been developed – the provinces seek centre's opinion and the latter directs
the former," said Dr. Devkota.
This political culture
is rooted so deep that the provinces couldn't function independently even when
the country has a civilian government and large political parties are hesitant
to exercise their political muscle.
Shahi, who is also the
founder chairperson of Karnali Integrated Rural
Development and Research Centre and
General Secretary of the Former Planners Forum Nepal, said that the senior
leaders discourage the youth leaders and federal government discourages the
provinces on the pretext of lacking 'capacity'.
"We have
developed a system that bars the sub-national governments from being
progressive. Entire system is process-oriented and no one cares for the outcome
and its impact on people," he said.
Shahi maintained that
Kathmandu takes decision about the ministers and alliance in the provinces. The
provincial committees of the parties neither have power nor desire to intervene
in such affairs.
According to Dr.
Devkota, the power of the government was devolved and restructured in the
federal model but the political parties didn't restructure them according to
the newly evolved system.
Published in The Rising Nepal daily on 4 January 2026.